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2013-06-14 Fri

#1509. ܸˤɡæDz [consonant][phoneme][phonology][diachrony][methodology][variation][phonemicisation]

εǡ#1508. ѸˤɡβDz ([2013-06-13-1]) 夲ȿФȤ⤤ܸǵäƤΤǾҲ𤷤褦
Ūܸζ̸ȯǤϡ2Ĥͭ [g] [ŋ] ̤Ƥ§ȤԤϸƬǡԤϸ첻θˤѤ졤ۤʬۤʤ㤨С䡤ݡʤɤθǤ [g] 졤䡤ƻī񮡤󥴤ʤɤθǤ [ŋ] ʹ줿ԡפʤɤʣ2ǤλϤޤꡤ֤פʤɤƬľ塤ֽޡפʤɤοθޡ֤餬פʤɤε졤֥衼ȡפʤɤμѸˤƤϡǤäƤ [g] ɸŪǤ롥ֽޡפȡֽƸפФʤɤˤ [g] [ŋ] ΩΤǡ̩ʬۼŪΩ줫 /g/ /ŋ/ ϰۤʤ벻ǤȤȤˤʤ롥
嵭ζ̤ϡߤǤڤʤɤʬǤϰҿΤȤݤƤ뤬̤ζ̸ȯȤƤ [ŋ] ѤĤĤ롥1983ǯĴǤϡüԤǯˤ [ŋ] Ψ礭ۤʤäƤ뤳ȤΤ줿ˤȡ1930ǯޤ줿üԤ [ŋ] ξü򸣰ǤȤطʤˤϡ餬³ˤؽФơ[ŋ] ιԤʤƤʤܤ뵡ȤŦƤ롥
1986ǯ Hibiya ˤƱͤĴǤ⡤ [ŋ] ̻ŪʾüΤ줿80üԤ80--90% [ŋ] ݤäƤ20üԤͭΨϥ˶ᤤ (Hibiya 163) Ĵˡϡˤ͡ǯüԤȯĴ٤뤳Ȥˤ̻ŪѲŪª褦Ȥ "apparent-time" δѻǤꡤüԤĹȼҶդ͸դѲ (age-grading) ǤȤǽӽǤʤ
ǡ"real-time" δѻɬפˤʤäƤ롥Hibiya ϡ1920ˤƤΤĤʸŪڵ並̤򺬵ˡ[ŋ] ξüʶʤ̻ŪѲǤ뤳Ȥ餫ˤˤȡʤȤ19ޤǤϡ[ŋ] ηŪѤƤȤȤơHibiya (169) ϼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥

Kato . . . claims that speakers who were born around 1930 were the originators of the change from word-internal [-ŋ-] to [-g-]; the present investigation, however, indicates that the change began earlier. Those who were born in the 1910's and 1920's have [-g-] more frequently than the speakers from the real-time data base who were born two to three decades earlier. Therefore, the age distribution . . . represents a remarkably smooth and linear sound change in the Tokyo dialect, which is going to completion in the youngest generation of today.


[ŋ] [g] ִ뤳Ȥˤäơξʬۤ졤¾ /ŋ/ βǤȤƤϰ̤ϼ줿ȤäƤ褤ϡ#1021. ѸܸβǤμȿ ([2012-02-12-1]) #1023. ܸμȿ ([2012-02-14-1]) Ǽܸ춦̸βηϡηϤˤƶηŪѲǤꡤæDz (de-phonemicisation) βǤȤ

Hibiya, Junko. "Denasalization of the Velar Nasal in Tokyo Japanese." Towards a Social Science of Language: Papers in Honour of William Labov. Ed. G. R. Guy, C. Feagin, D. Schiffrin, and J. Baugh. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1996. 161--70.

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